Comoros
Mauritius and Comoros dispute over regional security

afrol.com, 24 September - Irritation is growing between the Indian Ocean neighbours of Comoros, Mauritius, Seychelles and Madagascar. The reconciliation pact between the Comoran government and Anjouan separatists is rejected by its neighbour states, which themselves struggle with differing claims on a great number of Indian Ocean islands. Yesterday, Mauritian and Comoran representatives attacked each other in the UN.

Regional cooperation is of growing importance in the Indian Ocean islands off the African coast. But lately, regional cooperation has consisted of the countries Mauritius, Seychelles and Madagascar, leaving Comoros out. After several years of internal conflict and crisis, Comoros is reaching stabilisation reviewing its Constitution and heading for a federal state. This provokes the neighbours, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), threatening their ideal of not giving concessions to separatist movements.

- Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity was an acquired and inalienable right for every State, however big or small, the Mauritian foreign minister yesterday told the UN Assembly. Anil Kumarsingh Gayan only occupies the post of Minister for Foreign Affairs and Regional Cooperation of Mauritius some eight days, after his party won a landslide election victory this month. 

This general phrase, seemingly harmless, however provoked the Comoran representative to the UN, Ms. Assounancy, as she noted it was directed at her country and the recent Fomboni Declaration between her government and Anjouan secessionists. 

Exercising her right of reply, Ms. Assounancy, said that she merely wished to make some clarifications in response to Mauritius. It was regrettable that neighbors of her country "appealed to the international community not to accompany, but rather to condemn a national effort undertaken in order to avoid confrontation." It was essential that countries within regions support the peaceful conclusion of disputes. It was the position of the National Army for Development that a civil war was avoided in Comoros. The electoral timetable established in 1999 was not implemented because of the refusal of the Anjouan party to sign the accord. Her people understood the concern of the Organization of African Unity and neighboring countries. That concern, however, was not equal to the concerns of her country. The process would enjoy the support of the League of Arab States as well as other special partners. 

In August 1997, two of the three main Comoran islands, Anjouan and Moheli, sought to sever links with the main island Grande Comore, citing economic mismanagement and political neglect. The island declared its independence from the Comoro Republic and hoped to reattach itself to France, like neighbouring Mayotte island. With a population of more than 230.000 people it is the most densely populated island in the Comoro Archipelago. 

The conflict over the status of Anjouan only is one of several in the African Indian Ocean region. Anjouan is heading for greater autodetermination. Neighbouring Mayotte in 1975 chose to stay with France, ignoring the protests by the Comoran government. Mauritius is engaged in sovereignty conflicts with Britain (over the Chagos Archipelago) and France (over Île Tromelin), and faces the possibility of a secessionist movement by the Chagossians, if these win their claims against the British government. Madagascar is fighting for its claim on the uninhabited Glorioso Islands (now French). 

There is a general agreement between Indian Ocean states to claim the islands remaining on former colonial power hands, and of which country is entitled to claim which islands. However, there has been a not outspoken agreement on not allowing new states to emerge, and rather share what is left on European hands through a process of decolonisation. The Comoran example of negotiating with Anjouan secessionists therefore scares neighbour states.

American base on Diego Garcia

Mauritius and the Chagos Archipelago
Mauritian Foreign Minister Gayan, however, was more occupied with the Mauritian claims on the British/US occupied Chagos Archipelago. For a number of years, Mauritius had brought before the General Assembly the question of the archipelago, which had always formed part of Mauritius. The Chagos Archipelago, including the island Diego Garcia, had been detached by the colonial power just before independence. Efforts had been made to solve the issue bilaterally with the United Kingdom; however, there had been no tangible progress. Pending a resolution of the issue, the former residents of Chagos Archipelago and their families who were forcibly evicted to Mauritius by the colonial power must be allowed to return to their homeland. 

Alistair Harrison, UK representative to the UN, answered Gayan said that his Government maintained that the British Indian Ocean territory was British and had been since 1814. Hence, it did not recognize the sovereignty claim of Mauritius. 

However, the United Kingdom recognized Mauritius as the only State that had a right to assert a claim of sovereignty, when the United Kingdom relinquished its own sovereignty, which would occur when the Territory was no longer required for defence purposes. The United Kingdom remained open to discussions concerning arrangements governing the Territory and its future. It would liaise closely with the Government of Mauritius when the time came for the territory to be ceded. The question of access to the territory was currently before the British courts. The matter was under careful consideration and no further comment could be made. 

Britain and Mauritius thus engaged themselves in the annual rhetoric about the Chagos Archipelago. It actually has become a tradition. Each autumn, the Mauritian representative makes a statement to the UN addressing the Chagos issue, and each year the British representative give exactly the same answer. Putting aside this ritual, however, there is significant movement in the issue. One major excuse of the British government always has been that the islands were inhabitable, and thus could not serve the forcefully evacuated ex-inhabitants of Chagos (now refugees on Mauritius) for a supposed return. In August, a report ordered by the British Foreign Office documented that the islands of Salomons and Peros Banhos actually were ready for a repopulation. The Chagos refugees have filed a law suit against the British Government, claiming the illegality of their eviction from their home islands from 1965 and onwards. The case now stands for the High Court, and a decision is expected in October. With the newly published report, odds have grown higher for Chagossians. 

Actually, the London court case is of some embarrassment for the Mauritian government, which for 35 years has claimed sovereignty over the Chagos Islands by negotiating with the British government. The case is brought to court by the islanders themselves, or more correctly, by the islanders living in UK. Those living in Mauritius have preferred to dissociate themselves from this action so as not to embarrass the Mauritian government. Chagossians in Britain are not fighting for the Mauritian sovereignty claims, but for their right to return and right for autodetermination.

In August, the leader of the UK Chagossians, Olivier Bancoult, told the UK based Mauritius News that "we are fighting for our rights, and I am concerned with our rights and our own interests", to the thunderous applause of his compatriots. "All the time that Mauritius has been talking to the British Government, the Mauritius Government never bothered to bring in the islanders or to consult with them. Why should we worry about Mauritius."

Mauritius thus could find itself in a similar situation as the Comoros, if a verdict of the British High Court should be anyhow in favour of the Chagossians. 

Île Tromelin 
While struggling with Britain and possible secessionists of the Chagos Archipelago, Mauritius this year noted an important symbolic victory in its conflict with France over the Island of Tromelin. In January, French President Chirac and Mauritian (ex-) Prime Minister Ramgoolam agreed to introduce a joint administration for Tromelin Island in the near future. According to Mauritius News, Ramgoolam had said this agreement "does not in any way mean that Mauritius is surrendering its claim of sovereignty over this territory. It is recalled that a dispute exists between Mauritius and France on the question of sovereignty over Tromelin."

Tromelin is an uninhabited island of one square kilometre with scattered bushes, located in the middle of the high seas between Mauritius and Madagascar. It should thus not create secessionist problems. Rather it is seen as a resource for its fishery grounds.

Anjouan and Mayotte 
Meanwhile, neighbouring Comoros is looking for a model to preserve national unity. Next week, there is scheduled a meeting between the Comoran Army and the Anjouanese Forces, in Mutsamudu, on the island of Anjouan, informants in Moroni told PANA. Hamada Madi, the private secretary of the Comoran President told PANA that " the separatist crisis had found its solution. It is now behind us." He further stressed that "we started a true dialogue to arrive to a new institutional framework addressing the aims of the islands and preserving the territorial unity and integrity." Not doubting the Comoran aim of territorial unity, the emphasis on this point must be seen as a signal to the outside world, especially the neighbour states, the OAU and SADC. 

According to Mr. Hamada Madi says bolero, the agreement of Fomboni is in conformity with the conclusions of the Comoros conference in Addis Ababa organized by the OAU. In a meeting last week with OAU Secretary Salim Ahmed Salim, Comoran foreign minister, Souef Mohamed el- Amine, also stressed that "the Fomboni declaration does not undermine the unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros."

Salim had stressed that the OAU's position "was to ensure that the unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros were preserved and recalled that the Antananarivo agreement provided the most viable framework for the achievement of that objective," according to a press release by the OAU. On his return to Moroni, Azali had alleged that the OAU position on the Comoran situation was misguided by incorrect information provided by the continental body's mission in Moroni, according to PANA.

The OAU position on the territorial integrity comes in a strange light, regarding the difficult situation of the Comoros now, the history of the Comoros and the whole regional situation. The Indian Ocean region is full of conflicts about sovereignty claims and questionable borders, secessionists, claims, ancient (ever changing) colonial borders. The only solution found by the OAU has been to take a map of approximately 1965 and make this the basis for the nations they will accept as independent and for the legitimacy of territorial claims. Comoran history, however, demonstrates that it is more complicated.

In 1975, when the Comoros Archipelago became independent, the people of Mayotte voted in favour of the Island remaining within the realm of the French Republic. It has now a status of a French Collectivité Territoriale and is administered by a préfet, a representative of the French government. The plebiscite that led to the Mayotte secession, and remaining with France, never has been accepted by Comoros, nor by the OAU. Except for the fact that Mayotte has the weight of France behind its status, the situation on Anjouan and Mayotte is basically equal. Anjouan secessionists even have discussed the possibility of "returning" to France, and the "Mayotte model". Harsh reactions from the OAU, including a total isolation and boycott of the island and threats of an invasion, has however forced Anjouan to find a negotiated solution with Comoros.

Glorioso Islands 
The Glorioso Islands (Îles Glorieuses) are located between Comoros and Madagascar and administered by France. This small group of islands is uninhabited, consisting of lush vegetation and coconut palms, mainly constitutes a resource due to the 200 nautical miles fishery zone claimed by France. Madagascar claims sovereignty of these islands, which as well could have been claimed by Comoros. As they were "administered" by the French colonial representation in Madagascar, however, they now pose another absurd example on how accidental colonial borders form the base for modern territorial claims. The Comoros, in agreement with Malagasy interpretation of history, do not claim the Glorioso Islands. 

The regional situation 
The Comoros have shown respect of other nation's territorial claims and their emphasis on their own territorial integrity, based on the situation of colonial borders in approximately 1965. There is no reason to believe that the Comoros will support a possible Chagossian call for independence - may it be legitimate or not. Even the Comoros claim sovereignty over French Mayotte, countering the will of the islanders. They have, however, accepted to give in on some of the demands made by the Anjouanese, thus provoking the entire region.

The question is if this action is a real threat to the stability of the region, as viewed by Mauritius, Madagascar and the Seychelles, not to mention the OAU and SADC. Of course, if centralised states, in best colonial tradition, is the legitimate aim of African states, disregarding the struggle for autodetermination of particular regions or people, the neighbours are in their right to condemn the Comoros. On the other hand, it might just as well be that the Comoran example is just the first in line in Africa, when it comes to find solutions to old conflicts. One can only imagine the success it would have had in countries like Sudan and Congo Kinshasa, were day after day passes leaving innocent civilians dying, starving, fleeing, raped, mutilated, in poverty, etc., just because there is no will to give minorities their autodetermination.

Sources: Based on UN, IRIN, PANA, Mauritius News, l'Express and more

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