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History
of Equatorial Guinea
Equatorial Guinea is a small Central African country, independent only
since 1968, but with so much history that it makes us non-Guineans wonder how a
people can have endured. It is a history of exploitation but also of courageous
endurance. It is a rich history, but is is seldom told. In respect of the
peoples of Equatorial Guinea - we need to know their history and to make it
widely known.
Introduction
Present Equatorial Guinea consists of the mainland part
Río Muni, island of Bioko (former Fernando Poo), the island of Annobón and some smaller
islands (Corisco, Elobey, etc.) off the Río Muni coast (see map). The mainland
and the islands are far apart and are further experience great difference in
environmental conditions. population, economy and history.
Mainland Río Muni dominates in surface (93% of he country's
surface), but generally has not dominated in economical manners. Focus of
colonialists was on the island of Bioko, were the colony's and country's capital
(Malabo, earlier Santa Isabel) was until year 2000. Only since independence in
1968, the mainland has plaid a more significant role, mostly due to the two
president's Río Muni origin.
Climate is humid and tropical. On the mainland, soils are
poor, thus agriculture has always been small-scale, mostly slash and burn.
Hunting and gathering thus always have had an important role. Dominated by rain
forests and with agricultural conditions promoting semi-sedentary communities,
population density was low and there were few conditions facilitating the
establishment of chieftains or kingdoms. On Bioko, soils are somewhat richer due
to the volcanic nature of the island, but too heavy rains on most of the island
and a hilly topography restrain agriculture to few zones. These zones, however,
had a population somewhat denser than in Río Muni, and for periods, looser
centralized forms of social organisation were formed.
There are two peoples dominating each
their region in Equatorial Guinea. The people of island of Bioko are the Bubi.
They probably were the first to settle on the island, and were the only people
until external contacts were brought upon the Bubi by Europeans. Through
centuries of interaction of Bubi, Europeans and West Africans (imported labour),
a Creole population emerged, the Fernandinos. From the 20th century, more and
more Fang people from the Río Muni province were also drawn to the
colonial/national capital.
The Fang is the dominant people of the Río Muni mainland, and the
most populous in Guinea. Fang also populate vast areas in Cameroon and Gabon.
The Fang people, however, has not lived for long in the rainforest climate of
Southern Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Northern Gabon. Until the political instability
in Central Cameroon in the mid-19th century, it is believed that the Fang lived
in these northern areas, between the savannah and the rainforest. They conquered the sparsely
populated areas were they are now settled from the Ndowe and other Bantu peoples
(related to the Fang). The Ndowe themselves, are believed to have conquested the
land from the Pygmies living there originally during the Bantu expansion. Ndowe are
still a relatively important people in several zones of Río Muni, although the
Fang dominate.
Guinea and the Europeans
The Bubi people of Bioko were the first to get in contact with Europeans
(Portuguese) at the end of the 15th century, while the Fang on Río Muni in
general succeeded to avoid this contact until the 20th century. Contact was on
low intensity level also on Bioko (then called Fernando Poo). Europeans came and
went as permanent settlements in this zone was difficult for Europeans before
they knew how to cure malaria (1870s). The island was mostly interesting due to
its strategic position in the Bight of Benin. Therefore, Santa Isabel, after it
was declared Spanish, was leased to the British, which used it as a base against
the prohibited slave trade (after 1807). The Bubi population mainly succeeded in
isolating itself from European efforts to settle on Bioko, and when the first
cocoa plantations were established, Europeans brought slaves and contract
workers from the West African continent.
Intensification of the relationship was unavoidable when the
Spanish took effective possession of the small areas they had obtained in the
scramble for Africa (Spanish Guinea and Western Sahara). The borders of Spanish
Guinea (equal to those of present day's Equatorial Guinea) were defined and
internationally recognized in 1900. Spanish colonial governance followed
classical imperialist models, most close to the French colonial system, though.
A relative big number of Spanish settlers established themselves, mainly on
Bioko. The economic exploitation of the colony was facilitated; Plantations were
established, there was built an infrastructure and the government tried to
spread the monetary economy among the African population by classical means
(imposing taxes, forced labour and positive incentives to start with cash crop
growing). Administration was almost exclusively on Spanish hands. Africans were
let to occupy inferior posts. The access to education was indeed limited for
Africans. Compared to British and French Africa, the Spanish were late in
transferring responsibilities to the African population - which can be seen on
background of the authoritarian situation in Spain during the Franco
dictatorship.
However, in the 1950s and 60s, the rest of Africa was gaining
independence, and pressure was put on Spain to give the colony its
autodetermination.
Pressure was strong from the United Nations (especially the Afro-Asian block)
and from a limited circle within the colony. The colony was made autonomous in
1964, meaning mostly independence in economical matters, but with a Spanish
right of veto in any decision. There was established a legislative power, and
the Fang politician Bonifacio Ondo Edu was elected president of the Executive
Council.
The constitution of 1967, which was to lead Spanish Guinea towards
independence, was clearly inspired by the Franco rule of Spain. It foresaw a
strong presidential power , but also prepared the way for democratic
institutions. Presidential elections autumn 1968 gave victory to the Fang
Francisco Macias Nguema, an opportunistic clerk from Mongomo with Spanish,
military training.
Colonial Economy
Starting in the 1850's, European settlers started establishing
cocoa plantations on the island of Bioko, taking example of the high quality
production on the neighbouring Portuguese island of Sao Tomé. An increased
international demand of cocoa at the end of the 19th century made Spanish
colonial government encourage major investment in the Bioko plantations. The
Bubi populations mostly was forced to sell off or lease away their lands or
change their most fertile lands for less attractive lands. Spanish companies
were running greater plantations while Fernandinos and freed slaves ran smaller
units. From the very first moment, the access to workers for this labour
intensive plantation industry was a problem. In the earliest years, contract
workers were recruited from Liberia, later on mostly from Nigeria. The Bubis
mostly represented a minor part of the working force. Most Bubis working on the
plantations had been recruited as forced labour. Only in the final years of
colonialism, Bubis were engaged in cocoa production to a greater degree, as
there now were established several village cooperatives. Other industries on
Bioko included some production of coffee and some livestock.
Cocoa production demands much knowledge and labour. Its cultivation is
complicates as the cocoa plant needs a tropical, moist and shady environment
(making cocoa plantation look like a tropical forest) and constant management.
It is sensitive to direct sunlight , drought and vermin and needs much
nutrition, weeding, replanting and pruning to give good harvests. It easily
catches diseases. Further, the harvesting, fermenting and drying of the fruits
is a delicate process. The refining to semi-products must be realized
immediately after harvesting (which goes on for a longer period), and must
therefore happen locally, close to the farm. To obtain a satisfactory quality
(and thus good prices) the right techniques, good timing and protection against
humidity and vermin is substantial. Also the production of coffee, with the
special demands of the coffee bush, is a process demanding in labour and
knowledge.
On Bioko, the Spanish mostly were the holders of capital and general
knowledge of the production process, while the (mostly Nigerian) contract
workers had the practical knowledge. The local Bubis were involved into the
production only to a small degree. Partly, they rented their lands to the
Spanish, or they were involved in traditional subsistence farming. From time to
time, however, they were forcefully recruited to work on the plantations.
In continental Río Muni, the production o colonial commodities first got
started in early 20th century. Also here, the production of coffee and cocoa was
dominant, although logging and plantations of oil palms became more important.
The local Fang of Río Muni usually constituted the labour force on the few
Spanish owned plantations and on an increasing number of village cooperatives.
However, climatic conditions for cocoa and coffee production were not equally
favourable as on Bioko. Thus, the production in Río Muni newer reached the
numbers as on Bioko, neither in quality nor in quantity. The great majority of
the continental population stayed within the traditional sector of subsistence
agriculture.
Industry practically was non-existent in the colony, with the exception of
some businesses connected to the production of raw materials (hydroelectric
power and timber mills). The raison d'être of the colonial system was precisely
that the colonies should produce raw materials and be an export market for
industrial products from the motherland. Thus, Spanish investments were almost exclusively
in primary industries not competing with those of the motherland. Plans to start
the productions of bananas were undermined due to the opposition of Spanish
banana production on the Canary Islands.
Thus the production of cocoa became the dominant industry of the colony. In
the year of independence, 1968, cocoa production contributed with some 75% to
the GDP, and some 90% of this production took place on Bioko. The "standard
of living" on Bioko was the highest in Africa south of the Sahara, with an
estimated GDP per capita of 466 US$ (and 300 US$ for the colony as a whole). In
the 1960s, the construction of the colonial infrastructure accelerated and there
were increasing investments in social services. This "wealth" of
course was badly allocated. The majority of rural populations still was engaged
in traditional subsistence farming and therefore not affected by the
"booming" monetary economy. However, with the cocoa prices still
growing, with a well equipped infrastructure and new found independence, future
looked bright for this new country.
Macías' Guinea
Macías Nguema obtained most votes in rural Río Muni, propagating the
return to "traditional Fang values" and threats to expropriate
European properties. The educated Fang and the Bubi distanced themselves from
Macias, and mainly voted for the other candidate, Ondu Edu ("the
president" of the transition period). These very same groups thus became
the most exposed to the persecutions of the Macias dictatorship.
Equatorial Guinea was proclaimed an independent republic in October
1968, and Macias took office as its president. Already the very same autumn, the
other candidate in the elections, Ondu Edu, had to flee to Gabon. On being
forcefully sent back to Guinea, Ondu Edu was killed in house arrest in January
1969. Persecution of politicians from the opposition started in full scale
already in 1969. Political murders became the order of everyday. At the same
time, attacks started on Spanish citizens, leading to an evacuation of most
Europeans (about 7500 Spanish) by the Spanish government. I 1970, all opposition
was prohibited.
In 1973, a quarter of the Equatoguinean population had left for
exile. Almost the entire intellectual, political and economical elite had fled
or been killed. Almost every key post in the civil administration and the
military was given to Macias' relatives.
Threats and physical attacks on Nigerian contract workers by
government forces led to the Nigerian evacuation of all its citizens from
Equatorial guinea in 1976. These 25.000 workers were the key stone in the
countries export industries, as they were the only one competent to manage the
cocoa plantation. Bedrock was touched in 1979, as almost one third of the
population was in exile and the rest of the former elite had been killed by the
regime.
The economic collapse
Of course, the Macías dictatorship quickly ruined the positive economic
development Guinea had experienced before 1968. With the evacuation of the
Spaniards, the new republic lost much knowledge and capital. At the same time,
the terror regime drained the country for the local intellectuals and capital.
Most cocoa plantations (including the village cooperatives) were nationalised.
However, the most fatal incident for the economy, probably was the evacuation of
the Nigerian workers in 1976. The steadily deteriorating relationship with the
exterior world also hindered foreign investments. The country now was without
knowledge, capital and manpower to sustain an extensive cocoa production. Other
industries, such as the coffee and oil palm production, livestock and logging,
met the same fate. The Bubi people, which still preferred a livelihood outside
the plantations, were now forcefully recruited to replace the Nigerians on the
badly managed state farms.
The presidential decree commanding obligatory forced labour on plantation,
under inhumane working conditions, made refugee streams out of Equatorial Guinea
increase even more. To hinder the exodus from Bioko, the president ordered all
boats and ship, not regarding their size, to be destroyed (although this led to
the total closure of the lucrative fishing industry).
Of course, the national economy totally collapsed under these circumcisions.
The production of cocoa could not be sustained, and production shrunk from
38.000 tons in 1968 to only 2.340 tons in 1975! Coffee production equally shrunk
from 8.500 tons in 1968 to 1.500 tons in 1978 and merely 400 tons in 1981. Other
industries followed in line. Only logging could somehow sustain itself through
enormous concessions to foreign companies (mainly French). This trend is
mirrored in the GDP per capita estimations for the period, which shrunk from 300
US$ in 1968 to 70 US$ in 1975.
In practical terms, this probably meant that the
remaining population returned to subsistence farming. The influence this
collapse had on the experienced "standard of living" is more
uncertain. Due to the low population density and the exodus of refugees, there
was a natural resource base for the return to subsistence (for the minority
which had not been engaged in subsistence the whole time). However, a wide use
of forced labour on the plantations may have prevented an effective use of the
resource base and labour. The collapse of medical and educational services
probably influenced a greater number of Guineans. Those most harshly affected by
the economic collapse were of course those mostly involved in the monetary
economy, mostly being the Fernandinos and other segments of urban
population.
The Guinea of Obiang
The government of Macias was toppled on 3 August 1979. The coup
d'état was led by Teodoro Obiang Nguema (present president of the country and
nephew of Macias) and supported by the Spanish. The situation in Equatorial
guinea have changed very much for the better with Obiang, although more than
twenty years after the coup, very few of the refugees have dared to return to
Guinea.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema, a Fang born 1946 in the Mongomo village (east in Río Muni, at the Gabonese border), came into importance as the nephew of the first
president of the republic, Macias Nguema. As his uncle, he had studied at the
Spanish Military Academy in Zaragoza. Together with other family members, he had
a quick career during the Macias rule and ended up as governor on Bioko. This
gave him nearly total power, as Macias had isolated himself from public life in
his bunker near their home village. Obiang was known for his appetites for
alcohol, bhang and women, and for his ruthless governance. However,
comfort in the collapsing state of Guinea was vanishing, and Macias began
murdering more and more of his own family members.
In June 1979 he obtained the news that his brother was murdered by
Macias' bodyguards, and speculations were high who could be next. Thus, Obiang
took the initiative to gather various nephews and cousins, those left with a
graduation from Zaragoza, and start planning the toppling of Macias. The fruit
was ripe and Obiang had the authority to head a coup. He even obtained the
support from the Spanish government, which had given up on Macias. Bioko and
Bata were quickly taken, and within a week, uncle Macias was arrested. Macias
was tried in September 1979 and sentenced to death. Obiang had already been
appointed the second president of the republic.
At his takeover, Obiang promised a relieved Equatoguinean and
international audience that he would radically transform the country's
situation. However, it was soon clear that no opposition would be allowed.
Returning refugees were thrown to jail or beaten up, and returned to exile.
Thus, very few ever returned to Guinea. Since then, Obiang has installed his family in power, running the
country as his private property. No mercy is shown for the opposition and
respect for human rights is very poor.
Obiang had promised the international society to perform a
transition to true, multiparty democracy. On seeing the progress from the rule
of the psychotic dictator Macias Nguema, international protests were staggered
for about a decade. However, Obiang's wish to obtain international capital
forced him to go further in the direction of a democratization. Thus, Guineas
first multiparty elections since 1968 were held in February 1996. The presidential election, in which President Obiang claimed reelection with 98 percent of the vote, was considered openly fraudulent by international observers. Some opposition politicians who campaigned were beaten and jailed. Voting was done in the open and without secrecy, with opposition parties allegedly being barred from access to polling areas.
Differences between the Fang and the Bubi
have been a major source of political tension the last years and also have erupted into violence. Bubis led the January 21, 1998, separatist revolt on Bioko, after which the Fang-dominated Government and the security forces intensified their longstanding institutionalized repression of the Bubis and allowed Fang vigilante groups to abuse Bubi citizens with impunity.
The Constitution nominally provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, however, in practice there have been no free, fair, and transparent elections since independence in 1968. The President exercises complete power as head of state, commander of the armed forces, and leader of the government party, the
PDGE. With the main exception of the Prime Minister, a Bubi, leadership positions within the Government in general are restricted to the President's Mongomo clan of the Fang ethnic group and its closest supporters.
Towards a new economy
The majority of the population of approximately 465,000 still lives by subsistence agriculture, supplemented by hunting and fishing. Barter is a major aspect of the
economy. As such, little have changed through the centuries of turbulent
history.
Under the relative tranquility of the Obiang regime, Equatorial Guinean
economy was able to slowly recover. External aid for some time flowed into the
country and the resources well sold out to foreign companies. Although all
economic activity has been centered around the ruling clan, the country's monetary
economy has grew slowly in the 1980's and early 1990's. World Bank, IMF and
donor countries (mainly Spain and France) were heavily involved in the 1980's
but withdrew from Guinea as it became obvious that there were no real intentions
of democratisation or economic reform and transparency. Logging grew the most
important export sector, based on large scale concessions given to foreign
companies and with little attention given to environment.
The big change in economy came in 1995, when substantial oil deposits were
discovered, and exploitation began already in 1996. Already the Spanish colonial
authorities had been looking for oil in the oil rich zone between Bioko and the
Cameroonian and Nigerian mainland. Some oil was found, but no substantial
deposits - until 1995. Oil revenues have boomed and made the GDP triple in just
three years (1996-99), in theory making Equatorial Guinea one of the richest
countries in Africa. However, all revenues stay within the ruling clan and little evidence is apparent that the country's oil wealth is being devoted to the public good.
What the new wealth will do with Guinea is a very open question. The revenue
of course makes the government more independent and gives it resources to buy
off critics, which to some degree can be observed with the evasive behavior of
the French and Spanish governments and the new friendly attitude by some
neighbouring countries, latest the return of "friendship" with Nigeria
in August 2000. On the other hand, the newfound wealth makes the Obiang
government more visible and wealth itself produces motives for "having the
right man" governing in Malabo. Obiang himself clearly demonstrates that
the Guinean wealth is making his regime a target through his increasingly paranoid
policies.
Sources: M.
Liniger-Goumaz, R. Fegley, N. Nava, Jeune Afrique & US State Dep., CIA, IMF, Mundo
Negro, etc.
(bibliography coming up)
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