Senegal
Wade seriously endangers Casamance peace process

afrol.com, 1 October - The Wade government has been marked by blunders and revisionism regarding the peace process in its southern Casamance province, initiated by the previous government of Abdou Diouf. This week, The Gambia announced its withdrawal from the mediation role in the conflict, and lately, clashes between government forces and the rebels have been reported.

The Mouvement des Forces Democratiques de Casamance (MFDC) has been fighting for about 18 years for self-rule for Casamance, most of which is separated from northern Senegal by The Gambia. Open hostilities were almost brought to an end after the previous Senegalese government of Abdou Diouf got into serious peace talks with the MFDC, mediated by The Gambia. However, with the takeover of president Abdoulaye Wade in Senegal this year, the peace channels carefully constructed, have been mismanaged.

Wade, with his slightly arrogant leadership style, has sought to control the process in person. Thus, on Thursday, mediating Gambian president Jammeh threw in the towel. At a press conference in Banjul on Wednesday, the spokesman of the president stated The Gambia has been marginalised in all the recent meetings on Casamance and that Wade's government does not recognise the Abidjan code nor The Gambia's mediation role in the peace process. "We are withdrawing to avoid indecent atmosphere in which our role has been misunderstood," he concluded.

Meanwhile, Alexandre Djiba, the MFDC spokesman, told the Gambian daily newspaper, the Daily Observer, that Wade "tries to undermine the war in Casamance which has been going on for nearly 20 years by saying the crisis is internal and should be solved among Senegalese. Wade is preparing for the restart of hostilities in Casamance." Open hostilities, which more or less had come to an end, now seem to break out again. Last week IRIN reported that the MFDC attacked an outpost with rocket-propelled grenades near Nyassa and wounded seven soldiers.

Trouble started soon after the inauguration of Wade as president. The regular meetings in Banjul (The Gambia) came to a halt due to the Senegalese presidential elections in March. Still, the ceasefire was obeyed and the peace process kept on track. 

After winning the March presidential elections and taking office in April, president Abdoulaye Wade kept up the process, though on many occasions, not behaving very diplomatic. Turning from the Banjul negotiation, Wade said he preferred direct talks with the MFDC as a way to achieve peace and expressed a will also to meet with "rebel generals". As the negotiations hitherto had been with the political wing of thr MFDC, this of course provoked the opposite party and alienated the Gambian mediators. Wade soon came under strong criticism from some opposition politicians for antagonizing his neighbours, especially Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia, on the matter of the peace process.

Talks with the MFDC thus lay down for several months. Wade used the time to implement his own strategy, based on two pillars: Firstly, he wanted personal control of the talks, which should be between him and the leaders of the MFDC. Secondly, Guinea-Bissau was to be made a Senegalese ally in the matter. Earlier Senegalese and Guinean governments frequently accused each other of being responsible for the tension in Casamance. The former government of Guinea-Bissau was seen as a direct ally to the MFCD, and was suspected to provide weapons and a free haven for the operations of the guerilla. 

The issue of armed bandits in the border zone between Senegal and Guinea-Bissau (not connected with the MFCD, but exploiting the situation on the border produced by the conflict) was used to make ties with the new, democratically elected president of Guinea-Bissau, Kumba Yala. In July, there even was achieved implementing joint Senegalese-Guinean military border patrols, contributing to the stabilisation of the Casamance. 

This diplomatic victory gave Wade as stronger position. Cooperation with The Gambia, however, was played down, while Guinea-Bissau became the new key player in Wade's diplomacy.

In August, Wade noted further successes from his new policy. Direct talks between the presidency and the rebels were initiated. However, the talks have not been successful. As the Gambian presidency noted: "Wade has neither created a new mediation team nor other enabling factors for the negotiations." He made the process directly dependent of his own person.

Wade's diplomatic victory in Guinea-Bissau can not be downplayed. But it has been at the price of alienating the MFCD and The Gambia and of jeopardising the functioning channels established by the previous government in this fragile peace process. By taking the functioning process in his own hands, he disregarded the achievements already made, such as the the Abidjan code.

With Guinea-Bissau on it's side, Senegal has gained a stronger position in the conflict. Thus, the statement of Alexandre Djiba from the MFCD that "Wade is preparing for the restart of hostilities in Casamance" may not be ruled out if Wade's highly risky and personalized effort turn out a failure. And that is just what the situation looks like today.

 

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